Prague - When the Nizhny Novgorod-based NGO Russian-Chechen Friendship Society (RCFS) received Recognition Award from the International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights in 2004, it pretty much spelled the beginning of its end (at least in Russia).
Russian authorities soon unleashed an all-out legal war against it, resulting in a suspended sentence for its chairman Stanislav Dmitrievsky, convicted of "supporting extremism", and the forced dissolution of the entire NGO.
Today, the RCFS is officially registered in neighboring Finland, trying to continue in its efforts despite the sustained pressure coming from the prosecutor's office as well as local authorities in Russia.
The spokesperson and deputy head of RCFS Oksana Chelysheva, who has been in Prague since last week as a member of a jury for the One World film festival, spoke to Aktualne.cz at length about the situation in North Caucasus.
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Aktuálně.cz: Is there really any Russian-Chechen friendship still left outside the realms of your organization, considering what kind of information about Chechens typically gets to a reader, viewer or a listener of the Russian mass media?
Oksana Chelysheva: You see, from the very establishment of our organization the focal point was to attempt to bridge the people who have been separated by the propaganda. And back when we could afford it we organized number of events with involvement of Chechen youth whom we brought to Nizhny Novgorod and they participated in mixed programs with their Russian counterparts. And we have had no problems at all with lack of communication. So this kind of atmosphere can be overcome if there is a will.
When the problems started to develop with the criminal proceedings against our organization, a very powerful propaganda campaign was launched in the local media against us. For example some TV channels aired news-bits on the RCFS where the video footage that was presented featured Chechens beheading Russian soldiers to suggest there was a link between us, but even this attempt failed.
When I receivedt death threats in 2005 and the fliers with distributed in my neighborhood with a black frame, my address and a call on the people to fight against me, my door bell kept ringing and people who I did not know personally were coming to tell me about this. But I did not hear any nasty comments or harsh remarks from them, not even a mean glance, nothing like that. I even had to beg them not to destroy all of those fliers because I needed some evidence. Those people expressed indignation not with my activities, but with those who has those fliers posted.
Because of our Soviet experience quite a lot of people in Russia developed a certain ability to be resistant to propaganda. When you are trying to impose certain ideas on them, they start doubting them. It may be difficult to explain, but...
Oh no, I think a lot of people here know very well, because they remember those times too. Tell me, does your organization still have branches in Chechnya and Ingushetia?
Unfortunately, not any more. We had to stop our information activities in North Caucasus in 2007. It was a very difficult decision for us to make, but it was caused by two factors. Firstly, we found that it would be impossible for us to take responsibility for the safety of our staff and personnel in Ingushetia and first and foremost in Chechnya, as they were becoming more and more targeted by (Chechen president Ramzan) Kadyrov's people, so it was very difficult, and secondly, people in Chechnya by that time had become so much scared to speak about their problems, about the real situation, that we understood it would be a waste of time and funds to continue working as we used to with the information on Chechnya.
Infobox
Oksana Chelysheva
- lives in Nizhny Novgorod, fourth largest city in Russia
- main spokesperson and deputy head of the Russian-Chechen Friendship Society, a non-governmental organization that used to monitor situation with human rights in Chechnya and other parts of the North Caucasus, producing daily press releases on serious human rights violations; banned by Russian courts, the NGO is now officially registered in Finland, while it has been succeeded in Nizhny Novgorod by the newly formed Foundation to Support Tolerance
- contributes to Nizhny Novgorod version of Novaya Gazeta, a fiercely independent newspaper where infamously murdered journalist Anna Politkovskaya worked, and to internet server kasparov.ru, run by the Russian opposition leader
Even now we continue getting information from there, so in some situations we are trying to organize at least some humanitarian help for traumatized people who need it. But when for instance a person gets disappeared in Chechnya now and people dare to raise the case and turn to somebody for help, the never let publish the information, because they are much more concerned about the safety or the relatives and family members and unfortunately we had to be very straightforward with some of those people who asked us for help in such situation, because they were actually just asking to help them flee Chechnya, but at the same time they demanded that no information be published. It's impossible to work like that. It's an absolutely closed militarized area where no person would dare to speak openly.
At the last big annual press conference of Putin in Kremlin in February 14, which was attended by nearly 1400 journalists, a correspondent of Grozny-based newspaper Vesti Respubliki commended Putin on his wise policies in Chechnya, but expressed fear, allegedly shared by many people in Chechnya, about what is to happen to the region once he leaves Kremlin. Does that really represent the voice of Chechens?
Well, it represents the voice of Kadyrov, it's obvious. Last summer I had a meeting with young girl from Grozny who was forced to participate in pro-Putin rally in Grozny. They were made to put on T-shirts saying Ramzan, my s taboy (Ramzan, we are with you) but this girls was so much unwilling to do it that she was standing in this crowd of young people with the T-shirt just on her shoulders, she did not put it on. Then a person with a sub-machine gun came up to her and forced her to wear the T-shirt. That illustrates how the people in Chechnya really feel. They are in permanent fear.
But Putin also stressed at the same press conference that nobody can ignore the changes that have been gradually happening in Chechnya. He said that comparing Grozny to Stalingrad after the World War Two is no longer possible with all the new buildings appearing in the city. What do you say to that?
Sure, Grozny has been restored, it is a fact, undeniable fact. But we shouldn't forget about what lies behind this picture, that there was serious money extortion involved in this reconstruction process. Yes, money flew to Chechnya from the federal budget, but Kadyrov never has enough.
A number of organizations including our colleagues from Memorial center for human rights have information about how Kadyrov's people were extorting money from businessmen and everybody who has some kind of income. And let's not forget that this bright surface of contemporary Grozny has nothing to do with the real state of life there, because the level of unemployment is extremely high there. So what kind of stability is that?
Yes, even Putin himself admitted that unemployment in Chechnya remains a problem that needs to be addressed. But as for the fears that things may take a turn for worse after he leaves, is that a legitimate worry?
A: But it doesn't really matter who takes over because the situation in the North Caucasus isn't influenced by this kind of fake political changes. Unfortunately, the situation in the North Caucasus is on the verge of collapsing. And the events in Ingushetia and Dagestan prove that even with Chechnya seemingly more quiet at the moment, because of the atmosphere of fear that prevails there, the general level of conflict in the region remains high as evidenced by the number of clashes and assaults made by guerillas against the federal security troops.
And what is even worse, the level of human rights violations and violence that the authorities apply against the innocent civilian population in the region shows that they are stirring more and more anger in people. And actually I feel that it is the ultimate level of responsibility of both Kremlin and the local authorities because they are generating adversity which is going to explode the situation not only in Chechnya, but in the whole North Caucasus.
You mentioned Chechnya is now off limits for the outside world and it certainly shows in the scarcity of news reporting from there, which in turn means Chechnya all but disappeared from the public agenda in the West. Do you think that the European leaders should be doing more to highlight that problems remain in the sphere of human rights protection in Chechnya and Russia in general?
A: They should, they really should. Unfortunately it is much easier to raise the issue of human rights violations perpetrated by the US government. Not only for politicians, but also for some representatives of civil society in Europe. It's much easier to criticize Mr. Bush junior and not to notice what is going on very close to Europe. Yes, the politicians should be much more responsible, firstly because it is their responsibility to think about what is in store for Europe, and neglecting the fact that Russia is falling into absolute dictatorship is completely their responsibility.
Unfortunately right now the crisis in North Caucasus has become a really difficult problem to solve with the elimination of almost all moderate pro-Western leaders of the Chechen resistance movement. And it's an undeniable fact that this opposition is becoming more and more radical and more and more Islamic, but it's the responsibility of the West itself, because Chechen people actually cherished too much hope that Europe wouldn't close their eyes to their doomed destiny.
I know you have been active in the field of documenting human rights violations in Chechnya through the activities of RCFS. Have you also made some documentary films?
Not directly, but indirectly. When we got request from foreign journalists to help them with organizing some filming inside Chechnya we never hesitated and we provided them with such kind of opportunities. As a result there have been a few documentaries on Chechnya since 2004 that were developed because we recommended some people or we arranged some meetings. And actually that's the way how quite a lot of human rights organizations work. I know that the Memorial human rights center also helped quite a lot of foreign journalists with filming inside Chechnya and on the situation in the North Caucasus. So it's really very important because it helps bring a very powerful message.
Are there any film festivals of this kind in Russia as well?
Oh no.
Not even an underground one, or a small one?
Actually, there were attempts. In Nizhny Novgorod, for instance, we have a very good cinema club, which tries to organize various presentations. But the problem with Russia is that we are critically short of high-quality documentaries. They are not available and they are not broadcast by the Russian TV due to obvious reasons. So the only possibility to watch them is to bring them from abroad, which depends on many circumstances. So the common public doesn't get to see such films.
You and some of your colleagues from the jury took part in a debate last week with former Czech dissident turned president Václav Havel. I know he is really an icon in the West but what about Russia? Do people know him there?
Oh yes, Václav Havel is very well known in Russia. His name remains a very, very powerful symbol. I am absolutely sure that if Václav Havel makes a statement in defense of some particular person in Russia, it will have an impact.
